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Challenges of Political Reform at the Local Level of Ethiopia: The Case of Chagni Town Administration
Ebabu Chekole and Sintayehu Yenew 9
The main purpose of this study is to explore the challenges of the 2018 political reform at the local level of Ethiopia with a particular focus on Chagni Town Administration. Qualitative research approach with cross-sectional research design was employed in this study. Data collection methods were in-depth interview, key informant interview, and document analysis. Content analysis technique was used to analyse the data. The results of the study show that problems related to government officials, absence of rule of law and order, lack of peace and security, prevalence of corruption and rent seeking, absence of accountability and transparency mechanisms, government failure to keep promises, and weak central government are the most significant challenges affecting the success of the 2018 political reform so far. The researchers recommend that all concerned stakeholders should discharge their responsibilities to overcome those challenges that hindered the success of the reform in Chagni Town Administration.
This article makes a case for the nexus between material or economic gains and terrorism in Africa. Using Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram’s economic activities in both Southern Somalia and Northern Nigeria respectively, the authors question the conventional arguments in scholarship, linking poverty to the root causes of terrorism. It is argued here that gains from the various sources of funding of terrorism such as smuggling of licit and illicit goods like cocaine, arms, charcoal, sugar; kidnap-for-ransom; extortion; imposition of taxes; and bank robberies, among other economic activities are critical factors motivating and sustaining terror. Building on RMT’s theoretical framework and other published works on Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram, the economic foundation of these terrorist organisations are extensively examined. The paper concludes that gains from various funding sources/economic activities of terrorists rather than poverty and infrastructure deficiency are to a large degree the basis for terrorism in Africa as exemplified by Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram. The findings have significant implications for counter terrorism and counter insurgency efforts by African governments and the international community.
The main objective of this paper is to explain the positions involved in both the Cooperative Framework Agreement (hereafter, CFA) and Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (hereafter, GERD) negotiations and how these positions undermine cooperation among the negotiating parties. Qualitative research approach that used both primary and secondary data and thematic-based analysis has been used. In both the CFA (1993-2010) and GERD (2011-2022) negotiations processes, Egypt and Sudan have used the same words and the same positions, as in echo-dialogue, to safeguard the old water governance arrangements and practices. On the contrary, Ethiopia has focused on new water governance arrangements and practices that enable equitable and reasonable utilization of the shared resources. Similarly, in both the CFA and GERD negotiations, the dialogue of the deaf between downstream and upstream riparian states is dominant, where they lack a similar or common agenda, no mutual understanding and listening, no common positions, and are not ready for a real give-and-take process that leads to the creation of a new effective water governance order. Thus, both the echo-dialogue and the dialogue of the deaf contributed to the deadlock on both CFA and GERD. Nevertheless, a lasting, sustainable, and win-win solution is possible through only the creation of new effective water governance arrangements and practices.
The internal conflicts in Africa are overwhelming without regulation in the charter of the United Nations. Records of protracted conflicts on the African continent are numerous and precarious given the endless domestic wars, increased deaths, displacement of people, and humanitarian needs. In the light of this, the Somalia conflict has been traced to the rivalry and antagonism of the 19th century, when multiple parties exercised dominant supremacy over political and economic powers, as well as other external influences on the conflict. This article examines the impact of United Nations-authorised African Union Missions in Somalia (AMISOM) and United Nations Assistance in Somalia (UNSOM), 2010-2019. The institutional theory of international organisation and the time series research design were adopted. The data were collected through the triangulation of documentation and survey methods. An increase in violent extremism was observed due to insufficient UN resource support for peacekeeping missions.
Natural resource abundance and the onset of violent conflicts have a complicated causal connection. African countries where natural resources are rampant continue to grow and threaten security. Although natural resources have contributed to Africa’s economic boom, they have also been a curse. The continent's natural resources have been a major factor in numerous violent conflicts and Somalia is no exception. The scarcity of natural resources such as land and mineral resources in Somalia has fostered rivalries due to inequalities and the marginalisation of some clans. In light of the aforementioned, this study examined natural resources as an asset or curse. It further examined the natural resources and conflict nexus. Somalia's economy is premised on natural resources as land scarcity is a cause of conflict. The study also examined the implication of natural resource-related conflicts on Somalia's security. However, the study adopted greed and grievance theory to examine the relationship between natural resources and Somalia's national security. The greed versus grievance theory focuses on the loot-seeking opportunities of actors, whereby rebels fight against the government for control of resources and resource revenues. The study also adopted a qualitative research design, using secondary data such as textbooks, journal articles, archival material and other academic literature. The study concluded that where natural resources have historically been the primary cause of social violence, they must be viewed as essential elements of conflict prevention that can unleash the economic benefits of establishing peace in weak societies.
Natural resource abundance and the onset of violent conflicts have a complicated causal connection. African countries where natural resources are rampant continue to grow and threaten security. Although natural resources have contributed to Africa’s economic boom, they have also been a curse. The continent's natural resources have been a major factor in numerous violent conflicts and Somalia is no exception. The scarcity of natural resources such as land and mineral resources in Somalia has fostered rivalries due to inequalities and the marginalisation of some clans. In light of the aforementioned, this study examined natural resources as an asset or curse. It further examined the natural resources and conflict nexus. Somalia's economy is premised on natural resources as land scarcity is a cause of conflict. The study also examined the implication of natural resource-related conflicts on Somalia's security. However, the study adopted greed and grievance theory to examine the relationship between natural resources and Somalia's national security. The greed versus grievance theory focuses on the loot-seeking opportunities of actors, whereby rebels fight against the government for control of resources and resource revenues. The study also adopted a qualitative research design, using secondary data such as textbooks, journal articles, archival material and other academic literature. The study concluded that where natural resources have historically been the primary cause of social violence, they must be viewed as essential elements of conflict prevention that can unleash the economic benefits of establishing peace in weak societies.
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