This research paper investigates the structural context that contributed to the post-election violence in Kenya in 2007-08. While elections are fundamental to democratic governance and stability, periodic elections in Africa have often been marked by violence and political instability. This paper explores this fundamental paradox and the underlying conflict drivers such as horizontal inequality, a legacy of colonialism, and highly centralized ethnopolitics that contribute to electoral violence in Africa.
The study employs the Structural Conflict Theory, which argues that conflict is built into the structure or organization of society, to analyze the complex web of factors that led to Kenya's post-election violence. Given that the paper applies the Structural Conflict Theory to analyze the complex web of factors that contributed to Kenya's post-election violence, the study relied on a qualitative research approach, such as case study analysis. The paper has drawn on various types of data, such as official reports, election data, news articles, and academic literature, to construct a comprehensive understanding of the structural context that contributed to the crisis.
Specifically, the paper argues that the conflict that erupted in Kenya was caused by the former President Mwai Kibaki's controversial declaration as the winner of the presidential election held in December 2007. The election was marred by allegations of electoral rigging and manipulation, which served as a triggering factor. However, the paper suggests that the root cause of the crisis was the unaddressed underlying conflict drivers, including high levels of unemployment, horizontal inequality, structural cleavages, and highly centralized ethnopolitics. To support these arguments, the study examines the structural context that contributed to the violence and highlights the complex interplay of political, economic, and social factors that underpinned the crisis.
In conclusion, the paper argues that addressing the underlying conflict drivers is crucial for preventing future electoral violence in Africa. This research highlights the importance of a comprehensive approach that considers the complex web of factors that contribute to electoral violence, rather than focusing solely on election irregularities. By understanding and addressing the root causes of electoral violence, policymakers can help ensure democratic governance, stability, and peace.
The research paper has significant implications for scholars, policymakers, and practitioners interested in the causes and prevention of electoral violence and conflict in Africa. By applying the Structural Conflict Theory, the study moves beyond the surface-level analysis of election irregularities and delves into the underlying structural factors that create conditions of vulnerability to violence and conflict. The paper's findings suggest that addressing the root causes of conflict, such as unemployment, inequality, and ethnopolitics, is essential to prevent electoral violence and promote democratic governance in Africa.
The research has potential impacts on policy and practice by providing insights into the design of conflict-sensitive electoral systems, the promotion of inclusive governance, and the mitigation of structural drivers of conflict. The study highlights the need for policymakers to adopt a comprehensive approach to address the complex web of factors that contribute to electoral violence and conflict in Africa. Furthermore, the research could inspire further studies that adopt similar theoretical frameworks and explore the structural drivers of conflict in other contexts.

Since the inception of democratic rule in 1999, disagreement arising from imposition of candidates in party primaries has been the bane of democracy in Nigeria. This has unleashed intra- party crisis, political violence; and destruction of lives and properties with attendant consequences on democratic consolidation. This study examines the role of state governors in party primaries in Nigeria’s present democratic dispensation. The study which is analytical made use of documentary method of data collection and observation technique. The data was analyzed using content analysis and systematic logical inductions. The study found out that state governors through patronage politics with the use of state resources have assumed the position of party leaders in their states; and are able to arm-twist the party machinery and the congress to support their preferred candidates in party primaries. As a panacea to checkmate imposition of candidates and deepen internal democracy in Nigeria the study suggests among other things the institutionalization of direct primaries in the country and the enthronement of the principle of party supremacy.

The study aimed at analysing the beauty behind staff development projects for the electoral bodies in Africa: Tracing the foot marks of training on staff performance of Ugandan Electoral Commission (EC). The study was guided by the Social Cognitive Theory and the Kirkpatrick Model. It has been observed that, despite the EC’s Training strategy, some staff are failing to perform in line with the set standards. The main objective of the study was to examine the effect of training design on staff performance of the EC of Uganda. The study adopted quantitative approach under a descriptive cross-sectional survey design using questionnaires, interviewing and documents review methods. The data was analysed using descriptive statistics and the study findings revealed that there was a positive significant relationship between training design and staff performance. The study therefore concluded that electoral bodies need to implement effective training practices if they are to improve their staff performance in terms of effectiveness, efficiency, timeliness, and responsiveness. It was recommended that electoral bodies in East African region should develop and implement strategic employee training that focuses on obtaining better knowledge, skills and attitudes so as to improve their staff competence at work.

The principal objective of this paper is to examine conduct of the 2022 Kenya’s presidential election. More precisely, it attempts to identify the best practices as lessons for democratization of the entire continent of Africa. The study that culminated in the paper was qualitative in nature, being based on the case study of the presidential election conducted in August 2022 in Kenya. For this end, this paper used observation, expert opinions, and documentary review for getting both primary and secondary data.
The presidential election in Kenya largely met the threshold of a free, fair and credible election. The transparency was lauded by many and the constitutional provisions on timelines and corresponding activities served to boost predictability of events, which contributed to cooling tension and avert post-election violence like witnessed in 2007/8. The election was challenged in the Supreme Court and the hearing was open to the public until determination, that upheld the result. The role of the media and police was highlighted. However, several issues were observed that needs to be fixed to improve participation, voter turnout, voter education, budgetary constraints, resource allocation and communication of results and clarifying issues. Despite the glitches, the Kenyan electoral experience confirms the theory that repetitive elections breed democratic values, hence it offers good lessons to African countries.
This paper recommends improvement in independence of the electoral management bodies and commissioners, solidifying election processes in legislation. Others include transparency of the entire process, adequate preparation including testing technologies involved, adequate resources released timely. It also recommends sufficient voter education, involving stakeholders and better communication.

Drawing from critical cultural studies, this article examines meaning given to BBC’s photographic representation of the 2018 post-election violence in Zimbabwe. Its objectives are to examine audience’s views of the victims of the postelection violence, the relationship between armed forces and civilians and the general meanings they made of the 2018 post-election violence. In meeting its objectives, the article employed focus group discussions and in-depth interviews with twelve purposively selected readers who are photographers by profession. Thematically analyzed yielded data reveal that the vulnerable in Zimbabwe such as women, the poor and the elderly are the actual victims of the 2018 post-election violence. It also exposed the timid relations between the armed forces and civilians during the post-election ferocity which is anchored mainly on cynicism, lack of communication and respect between the two. Finally, it brought to light that the armed forces are the major reason why Zimbabwe is struggling in its attempts to realize democracy. Therefore, the study’s findings demonstrate that photographs are important in bearing testimony of human rights abuse endured by citizens during post-election violence.

The study examines civic participation with specific reference to local government civic responsibilities in South Africa. It is a legislative requirement for the members of the community to participate in local government matters because according to Chapter 7 Section 152 (1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996, one of the objectives of local government is to encourage community and community organization involvement in local government matters. Although the Constitution grants people the right to participate in local government activities, not all of them do so. It makes no difference whether they are voting or influencing the decision-making process, and as a result, many of them become apathetic. The main objective of the study is to assess civic participation in local government and to investigate the causes of civic apathy. The study adopted a conceptual approach relying heavily on secondary data because it provides fast, credible background insights. It adds context and depth to primary research findings. The main findings of the study are the factors that contribute to successful civic participation and the challenges of civic participation and the evidence of civic apathy. The study revealed the evidence of the challenges of civic apathy. The study further revealed the role of local government in enforcing civic participation, the elements of local government that influence the success of civic participation and the attributes of local government that influence successful civic participation. The study concludes with evidence of civic apathy.

The article examines the interplay of social media and postelection violence in the 2011 election in Nigeria, while the country witnessed violence in the previous democratic experiments in the 1970s and 1980s, the 2011 violence was largely different because in took place mostly in the northern part which had not witnessed such before. The article analysed role of social media in the violence that broke out during the postelection cycle of the election. The danger posed by electoral violence warranted a further interrogation with the aim of addressing the challenges. The article analyzes why electoral violence occurred in 2011 election. The study covers Nigeria with an estimated population of two hundred million people while the registered voters stood at nine four million. Data for this article were generated from newspapers, journals, and books were analyzed qualitatively using historical, approach physical, psychological and structural nature of violence served as theoretical frameworks that reveal that the deployment of social media created a fertile ground spread of divisive and disinformation that promoted deep seated mistrust in the process leading to violence with attendant loss of lives and property. The 2011 election witnessed divisive and ethnic as well as religious based campaigns through the traditional and social media that eventually culminated in the violence that followed the conduct of the presidential election leading to the death of not less than eight hundred (800) people and loss of properties. The paper argues that the outbreak of violence in the postelection cycle was the resort national faultiness including ethno-religion, regional and socioeconomic and political exclusion that exacerbated the already heighten political space. The paper suggests that wanton destruction of lives and property can be prevented in Nigerian electoral space if the political gladiators’ campaigns are driven by issues and promoting political inclusion rather than exclusion. This paper helps to broaden the understanding and knowledge of electoral violence in Nigeria taking into cognizance the exploitation of digital technology, religion and ethno-regional divides by Nigerian political class that eventually culminated in destructive violence.

The proliferation of the Internet and social media is undoubtedly instrumental to the growth of democracy. The adoption of social media to campaign for and secure election victory by African leaders signaled the start of an era of digital democracy in Africa. Political freedom, engagement, and equality are projected to increase as a result of the digital democratic revolution. Recent events, however, show that Africa is far from benefiting from the Internet’s ability to foster civic involvement, transparency, political connections, and mobilization. The flurry of fake news, hate speech, and digital dictatorships is destroying African democracy. Anchored on the theory of Networked Authoritarianism, the paper adopted a descriptive and qualitative method that relies on secondary data sourced from journal articles, conference papers, reports, and Internet sources. It was found that the opportunities offered by digitalization contribute to undermining democracy in Africa. This is explained by the increase in repression, limited Internet connectivity, digital divide, surveillance, media censorship, and Internet shutdowns that pervade the continent. It was concluded that the susceptibility of digital tools to manipulation to propagate false information, incite violence, and spread hate provides African governments with a pretext to corrode the democratic space, thus eroding trust in the democratic process and entrenching democratic decline. To enhance digital democracy and strengthen democratic consolidation in Africa, the paper recommends strengthening digital literacy, bridging the digital divide, combating disinformation and hate speech, strengthening democratic institutions and governance, and fostering collaboration between governments, civil society, and tech companies.