From OAU to AU, the embattled vision of the African continent has always been that of generating development for the ‘people’. The quest for self-government presupposed the need for development. This was copiously captured in the popular aphorism of Kwame Nkrumah (one of the leading elites of the Organization for Africa Unity) that reads: “Seek ye first the political kingdom, and all other things will be added”. The implication of the above statement is that once the African continent successfully wrestled political power from the colonialist, the continent would be on the path to development. Political freedom was conceived as a prerequisite for development. Many years have passed; meaningful development still remains a quest of the African continent. This paper comes across as a theoretical interrogation of some indigenous development frameworks proposed for the continent. Importantly, Amilcar Cabral endogenous proposal for development is examined with the view of providing a viable theoretical platform for pursuing meaningful and sustainable development for the continent.

In line with the pan-African political ideal of African solutions to African problems, the African Union (AU) since its establishment in 2002 seeks to contend with the challenges of intra-state conflicts which have been the bane of political, economic and social development in the continent. In situations of armed conflicts, especially where diplomatic and mediatory efforts fail to end violence, the AU has adopted military interventionist mechanisms to protect civilians and restore peace and security in accord with Article 4(h & J) of the AU Constitutive Act. Drawing from the cases of the AU’s responses to the crisis in Somalia, Sudan and Libya, this research examines the capacity of the AU to enforce peace and security in Africa through its military interventionist mechanisms. It is argued that for the AU to perform effectively in conflict situations, the organization ought to possess a strong military power to compel obedience.

The doctrine of ‘African solutions to African problems,’ was propounded by African leaders at the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. The doctrine is hereby equated to the declaration by the USA president James Monroe in 1812, popularly known as the Monroe Doctrine. This paper argues that this declaration by African leaders was a form of an African Monroe Doctrine (AMD), which while calling for the Euro-American world to limit its interference, was not a call for African isolation. The paper also argues that this doctrine has not been a totally successful doctrine due to both external and internal reasons.

The Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme is a flagship programme of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development aimed at fast-tracking the growth of Africa’s agricultural sector. One of its priority areas of action is reducing food insecurity on the continent. The Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme, coupled with other initiatives across the continent, has contributed to reducing food insecurity. Despite the achievement, food insecurity continues to be a persistent issue. With an estimated 20% of the population categorised as undernourished, Africa continent is the region with highest percentage of undernourishment. In this paper, I examine contributory factors to continued food insecurity in Africa and how these can be addressed. The paper proposes that prioritising agricultural cooperatives in the implementation of the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme will put agriculture in Africa on the path of rapid growth resulting in improved food security.

This study primarily focuses on the role of regionalism in the entrenchment or otherwise of regional integration, good governance and African development through a comparative study of the European Union (EU) and the African Union (AU). The factors responsible for the successes and challenges of the European Union in its integration efforts and the attempt to globalise it through its operations in Africa on one hand; and the very modest and limited success of the African Union (with or without inspiration from EU) on the other hand will be examined before a conclusion is drawn on whether or the not this inter regional cooperation is serving (or could serve) any purpose in the much debated roles that regionalism is playing in regional integration and development in the 21st Century Africa.